Peaceful succession

Shidibala was the eldest son of Ayurbarwada Buyantu Khan (Emperor Renzong) and Radnashiri of the Khunggirad clan. In return for his own crown princeship, Ayurbarwada promised his elder brother Khayishan to appoint Khayishan's son as Crown Prince after his succession. But when Khayishan died, Khayishan's two sons were relegated to borderlands and pro-Khayishan officers were purged.

Shidibala's powerful grandmother Dagi installed Shidibala as Crown Prince in 1316, and then as Khan, since he was mothered by a Khunggirad khatun. He was made the nominal head of both the Secretariat and the Bureau of Military Affairs one year later. At one time, his father Ayurbarwada had even toyed with the idea of abdicating the throne in favor of Shidebala. Dagi's protégé Temuder was made as tutor to the heir apparent, Shidebala, after he failed to increase tax revenue.

Between Ayurbarwada's death in March 1320 and his own death in October 1322, Temüder attained a great power with the full support of Dagi. Immediately after her grandson's succession, Dagi reinstated Temüder as Minister of the Secretariat and took politics into her own hands more openly than during Ayurbarwada's reign.

Puppet regime

Shidebala succeeded his father on April 19, 1320. Empress Targi (Dagi) reappointed Temuder senior grand councillor. While Temuder's persecution of his opponents in the censorate alienated the new Emperor, Temuder remained in power until his death, which came only two years later.

The return to power of Temudar was signalised by fresh excesses, and by the execution of several of those whom he suspected of having been the cause of his late trial. At length the young prince began to feel the leading strings of the Empress Dowager and Temudar rather irksome, and determined to speed on his inauguration.

From the beginning of his reign, Shidebala showed a political independence and resolution beyond his years. In a masterly move to counter the influence of the grand empress dowager and Temüder, Shidebala appointed the 21-year-old Baiju, a Jalayir and grandson of Antong, who had illustrious family background and good Confucian education, as the grand councillor of the left in the summer of 1320, which gave Shidabala several political advantages. Temuder was on the high-road to the attainment of supreme power when Baiju. However, Baiju, the commander of the kheshig, who was descended from Muqali, the renowned general of Genghis Khan, and was a man of high character, gained great influence over the Emperor, and displaced that of Temuder.

Shidibala, the young emperor, however, did not sit with folded hands. The throne soon became the focus of loyalty for the Confucian scholar-officials in their struggle against the powerful Temüder. Shidibala was prepared for such a role, for he had been as well educated in Chinese as his father had been. Deeply affected by Confucianism as well as by Buddhism, Shidebala could cite Tang poems from memory and also was a creditable calligrapher.

Besides Confucianism, Shidibala was also devoted to Buddhism. In 1321 Shidbala built a Buddhist temple in honor of 'Phags-pa Lama on the mountains west of Dadu, and when the censors reproached him he had several of them put to death; among them a very distinguished officer, named Soyaoelhatimichi, whose ancestors had been faithful dependents of the Mongol Imperial house. On the other hand, Islam suffered particularly severe discrimination during his reign. It is said that the Emperor destroyed a temple built by the Muslims, at Shangdu, and prohibited them from buying slaves from the Mongols and selling them again to the Chinese.

The growing influence of Baiju greatly disgusted Temuder. Baiju went to Liau tung to put up a monument to his ancestors. Temudar thought this a favourable opportunity of regaining his influence at the Yuan court, and presented himself at the palace, but was refused admittance, and died shortly after that. The Empress, Dagi (Targi), died about the same time in 1322–23.

Self-assertion

In 1322, the deaths of Dagi and Temüder enabled him to seize full power. He was able to dismantle the Khunggirad faction from the Shidibala-led new administration. The severe suppression of the powerful faction including the deprivation of Temüder's titles and estates, the execution of his son drove it into the corner. On the other hand, he appointed Baiju as the grand councillor of the right. As the sole grand councillor throughout the rest of Shidebala's reign, Baiju became a powerful ally of Shidebala. They eliminated many offices subordinate to the personal establishments of the empress dowager and the empress. The increasing influence of Neo-Confucianism saw greater limits placed on Mongol women who were allowed to move about more freely in public.

Soon after becoming his own master and with the help of Baiju, Shidibala began to reform the government based on the Confucian principles, continued his father Ayurbarwada's policies for active promoting Chinese cultures. He and Baiju recruited for the government a great number of Chinese scholar-officials, many of whom had resigned when Temüder was in power. Heading of this list, Zhang Gui, a veteran administrator, was reappointed manager of governmental affairs and became Baiju's chief partner in carrying out reforms. Apart from the three elderly scholars appointed as councilors to the Secretariat, seven famous scholars were appointed to the Hanlin Academy. It was approximately at this same time that the Da Yuan Tong Zhi (大元通制, "the comprehensive institutions of the Great Yuan"), a huge collection of codes and regulations of the Yuan Dynasty began by his father, was revised in order to rationalize the administration and facilitate the dispensation of justice.

Furthermore, to relieve the labour burdens of small landowners, Shidebala's administration stipulated that landowners set aside a certain proportion of the lands registered under their ownership from which revenues could be collected to cover corvée expenses.

Death

Regardless of the merits of Shidebala's reign, it came to a tragic end on September 4, 1323, known as the "Coup d'état at Nanpo". A plot was formed among Temuder's supporters, who were afraid of vengeance overtaking them. It was headed by Temüder's adopted son Tegshi. Besides the high-ranking officials, five princes were involved: Altan Bukha, the younger brother of the former prince of An-si, Ananda, who was executed by Ayurbarwada's faction; and Bolad, a grandson of Ariq Böke; Yerutömör, a son of Ananda; Kulud Bukha; and Ulus Bukha, a descendant of Möngke Khan.

When Shidebala stayed at Nanpo on his way from the summer palace Shangdu to the capital Dadu of the Yuan Dynasty, Shidibala and Bayiju were assassinated by Tegshi, who attacked Shidibala's Ordo with Asud guards and other soldiers under him. Tegshi asked Yesün Temür to succeed the throne, but Yesün Temür purged Tegshi's faction before he entered Dadu because he feared to become a puppet of it.

Shidibala's reign was short; his direct rule lasted only for a year after Dagi's death. But he was glorified in Chinese records since he and his father, aided by their sinicized Mongolian ministers and Chinese scholar-officials, had made vigorous efforts to transform further the Yuan along traditional Confucian lines. From that point of view, Shidibala's assassination was sometimes explained as the struggle between the pro-Confucian faction and the opposite steppe elite faction, for Yesün Temür Khan had ruled Mongolia before succession and his policies appeared relatively unfavorable for Chinese officials.

His marriage to Sugabala, produced no children to succeed him.

生平

延祐七年農曆正月二十一日（1320年3月1日），元仁宗去世。延祐七年農曆三月十一日（1320年4月19日），18歲的碩德八剌在太皇太后答己及右丞相鐵木迭兒等人的扶持下，在大都大明殿登基稱帝，是為元英宗，改元「至治」。英宗自幼受儒學薰陶，登基後推行「以儒治國」政策，但是前期英宗的權力受到太皇太后答己和權臣鐵木迭兒的很大限制。

延祐七年農曆五月十一日（1320年6月17日），元英宗任命拜住為左丞相，以遏制太皇太后和鐵木迭兒的權力擴張。

至治元年農曆十一月九日（1321年11月28日），群臣為元英宗上尊號繼天體道敬文仁武大昭孝皇帝。

1322年10月6日右丞相鐵木迭兒去世，1322年11月1日太皇太后去世，元英宗終于得以親政。

至治二年農曆十月二十五日（1322年12月4日），元英宗任命拜住為中書右丞相，並且不設左丞相，以拜住為唯一的丞相。在右丞相拜住、中書省平章政事張珪等的幫助下，元英宗進行改革，並實施了一些新政，比如裁減冗官，監督官員不法行為，頒布新法律，採用「助役法」以減輕人民的差役負擔，等等。史稱「至治改革」。

英宗在位後期，官修政書《大元聖政國朝典章》（《元典章》），內容包括元太宗六年（1234年）到元英宗至治二年（1322年）大約90年的政治、經濟、軍事、法律等方面官方資料，具有極高的史料價值。

至治三年農曆二月十九日（1323年3月26日），元英宗頒布了繼《至元新格》之後元朝第二部法律典籍—《大元通制》，一共有二千五百三十九條，其中斷例七百一十七、條格千一百五十一、詔赦九十四、令類五百七十七。

元英宗曾經想把征東行省（高麗王國）郡縣化，罷征東行省，改立三韓行省，完全和元朝的其他行省一個待遇，「制式如他省，詔下中書雜議」，因為集賢大學士王約說：「高麗去京師四千里，地瘠民貧，夷俗雜尚，非中原比，萬一梗化，疲力治之，非幸事也，不如守祖宗舊制。」得到丞相的贊同，設立三韓行省奏議沒有實行。最終高麗國祚得以存續，高麗人知道後，為王約畫像帶回高麗，為之立生祠，並說：「不絕國祀者，王公也。」

元英宗的新政使得元朝國勢大有起色，但新政卻觸及到了蒙古保守貴族的利益，引起了他們的不滿，而且英宗下令清除朝中鐵木迭兒的勢力，隨著清理的擴大化，鐵木迭兒的義子鐵失在至治三年八月初四（1323年9月4日）趁著英宗從上都避暑結束南返大都途中，在上都以南15公里的地方南坡的刺殺了英宗及右丞相拜住等人。史稱南坡之變。英宗去世時年僅21歲。

尊謚廟號

泰定元年農曆二月十六日（1324年3月11日），元泰定帝為碩德八剌上謚號睿聖文孝皇帝，廟號英宗。

泰定元年農曆四月八日（1324年5月1日），元泰定帝為碩德八剌上蒙古文稱號「格堅皇帝」。

《英宗皇帝謚冊文》，內容如下：

英宗實錄

泰定元年十二月十四日（1324年12月30日），元泰定帝命翰林國史院修纂《英宗實錄》、《顯宗實錄》。

至順元年五月十七日（1330年6月3日），翰林國史院修《英宗實錄》成，進呈元文宗。《英宗實錄》，包括《英宗皇帝實錄》40卷，《事目》8卷，《制詔錄》2卷，總計50卷。明朝初年史官修《元史》，參照實錄修成《英宗本紀》2卷，《英宗實錄》今已失傳，其主幹內容保存在《英宗本紀》中。

翰林國史院《進實錄表》，內容如下：

家庭

妻妾

• 速哥八剌皇后，1327年元泰定帝追謚莊靜懿聖皇后

• 牙八忽都魯皇后

• 朶而只班皇后

無子女

相關史料

• 《大元聖政國朝典章》，簡稱《元典章》，元英宗在位後期（1322年—1323年）官修政書，收錄1234年—1322年元朝各地地方官吏會抄的有關政治、經濟、軍事、法律等方面的聖旨條畫、律令格例以及司法部門所判案例的匯編，分為前集和新集，史實多為《元史》所不載。

• 《至正條格》，1346年元惠宗頒布的元朝第三部法律，現存殘本收錄1260年—1344年元朝官方頒布的關于法律方面的聖旨條畫、律令格例以及司法部門所判案例的匯編，史實多為《元史》所不載。

• 《元史·英宗本紀》 ，明朝官修正史

• 《新元史·英宗本紀》 ，民國官修正史

• 《續資治通鑑》 ，清朝史學家畢沅撰寫。

• 《元史類編》，清朝史學家邵遠平撰寫。

• 《元史新編》，清朝史學家魏源撰寫。

• 《元書》，清朝史學家曾廉撰寫。

• 《蒙兀兒史記》，清末民初史學家屠寄撰寫。

評價

• 明朝官修正史《元史》宋濂等的評價是：「英宗性剛明，嘗以地震減膳、徹樂、避正殿，有近臣稱觴以賀，問：『何為賀？朕方修德不暇，汝為大臣，不能匡輔，反為諂耶？』斥出之。拜住進曰：『地震乃臣等失職，宜求賢以代。』曰：『毋多遜，此朕之過也。』嘗戒群臣曰：『卿等居高位，食厚祿，當勉力圖報。苟或貧乏，朕不惜賜汝；若為不法，則必刑無赦。』八思吉思下獄，謂左右曰：『法者，祖宗所制，非朕所得私。八思吉思雖事朕日久，今其有罪，當論如法。』嘗御鹿頂殿，謂拜住曰：『朕以幼衝，嗣承大業，錦衣玉食，何求不得。惟我祖宗櫛風沐雨，戡定萬方，曾有此樂邪？卿元勛之裔，當體朕至懷，毋忝爾祖。』拜住頓首對曰：『創業惟艱，守成不易，陛下睿思及此，億兆之福也。』又謂大臣曰：『中書選人署事未旬日，御史台即改除之。台除者，中書亦然。今山林之下，遺逸良多，卿等不能盡心求訪，惟以親戚故舊更相引用邪？』其明斷如此。然以果于刑戮，奸黨畏誅，遂構大變雲。」

• 清朝史學家邵遠平《元史類編》的評價是：「冊曰：三載承乾，庶務銳始；大饗躬親，致哀盡禮；剛過鮮終，肘腋禍起；不察幾先，勵精徒爾。」

• 清朝史學家畢沅《續資治通鑑》的評價是：「帝性剛明，嘗以地震，減膳，徹樂，避正殿，有近臣稱觴以賀，問：『何為賀？朕方修德不暇，汝為大臣，不能匡輔，反為諂耶？』斥出之。嘗戒群臣曰：『卿等居高位，食厚祿，當勉力圖報。苟或貧乏，朕不惜賜汝；若為不法，則必刑無赦。』巴爾濟蘇下獄，謂左右曰：『法者，祖宗所制，非朕所得私。巴爾濟蘇雖事朕日久，今有罪，當論如法。』嘗御鹿頂殿，謂拜珠曰：『朕以幼衝，嗣承大業，錦衣玉食，何求不得！惟我祖宗櫛風沐雨，戡定萬方，曾有此樂耶？卿元勛之裔，當體朕至懷，毋忝爾祖！』拜珠頓首謝曰：『創業維艱，守成不易，陛下言及此，億兆之福也。』又謂大臣曰：『中書選人署事未旬日，御史台即改除之。台除亦然。今山林之士，遺逸良多，卿等不能盡心求訪，惟以親戚故舊更相引用耶？』其明斷如此。然以果于刑戮，奸黨懼誅，遂構大變雲。」

• 清朝史學家魏源《元史新編》的評價是：「舊史謂英宗果于誅戮，奸黨畏懼，遂構大變。烏乎！是何言與？以鐵木迭兒之奸，不明正其誅，但疏遠俾得善終于位，已為漏網，而複任用其子，曲貸其子，釀成梟獍。此失之果乎？失之不果乎？拜住于鐵木迭兒引其黨參政張思明自助時，或告拜住為備，拜住反以大臣不和，彼仇我報，非國家之利。及鐵木迭兒死，又往哭之痛，此皆失之果乎？失之不果乎？且除奸莫要于奪兵權，乃以宿衛新兵掌于鐵失之手。司徒劉夔冒賣浙田之案，真人蔡道泰殺人賕逭之案，皆奸贓巨萬。拜住既平反其獄，獨赦鐵失不問。中書參議諫以除奸不可猶豫，猶豫恐生他變，拜住是其言而不能用。大抵安童、拜住皆木華黎之孫，木華黎用兵所過，動輒屠戮。安童從許衡受學，故其子孫皆出于寬容，以水懦救火猛，德量有餘，機警不足，所謂君子之過過于厚也。乃胡粹中因舊史之言，謂英宗在位數載，除誅戮外無一善政可紀，甚至皇太后以嬖孽失勢之故，鬱鬱而終，胡氏並指為英宗不孝祖母之罪。烏乎！其性與人殊，乃至此乎？」

• 清朝史學家曾廉《元書》的評價是：「論曰：英宗知趙世炎之非辜，抑亦漢昭之流亞也。然漢昭能誅燕王、上官桀，而專任霍光，英宗不能誅鐵木迭兒諸權倖之徒，獨任拜住也。抑考元時蒙古人橫不可悉裁以法度，以拜住之世舊勛貴而不能驟正也。夫自古無無小人之朝，在振紀綱而已。自世祖好貨開倖進之門，安童不能與阿合馬、桑哥爭，況幼沖在位乎？使霍光處此，則必射隼，于高墉藏器，儃回操刀，弗割明君賢相，胥受其禍，悲夫！」

• 清末民初史學家屠寄《蒙兀兒史記》的評價是：「汗性剛明，勵精圖治，嘗御上都大安閣，見太祖、世祖遺衣，皆以縑素木綿為之，重加補綴。嗟嘆良久，謂侍臣曰：『祖宗草昧經營，服御節儉乃爾，朕焉敢頃刻忘之。』敕畫《蠶麥圖》于鹿頂殿，以時觀之，藉知民事。一日御殿，謂拜住曰：『朕衝齡嗣祚，錦衣玉食，何求不得。惟我祖宗節風沐雨，戡定大難，曾有此樂耶？卿元勛之裔，當體朕至懷，毋忝爾祖。』拜住頓首對曰：『創業惟艱，守成亦不易，陛下睿思及此，億兆之福也。』汗承延祐寬政之後，思濟之以猛，御下甚嚴，在諒闇中。中書參議乞失監坐鬻官，刑部議法當杖，太后欲改笞，汗不可，曰：『法者，天下之公，徇私而輕重之，非所以示民也。』卒從部議。每戒群臣曰：『卿等居高位，食厚祿，當勉力圖報。苟或貧乏，朕不惜賜汝；若為不法，則必刑無赦。』八思吉思下獄時，汗謂左右曰：『法者，祖宗之制，非朕所得私。八思吉思雖事朕日久，今既有罪，當論如法。』其明決如此。然過信喇嘛，大起山寺，不受忠諫，飲酒逾量，有時至失常度雲。」

• 民國官修正史《新元史》柯劭忞的評價是：「英宗誅興聖太后幸臣失列門等，太后坐視而不能救，其嚴明過仁宗遠甚。然蔽于鐵木迭兒，既死始悟其奸，又置其逆黨于肘腋之地。故南坡之禍。由于帝之失刑，非由于殺戮也。舊史所譏殆不然矣。」

注釋

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