Background

In 1120, under the Alliance Conducted at Sea, the Jin and Song dynasties agreed to form a military alliance against the Liao dynasty and, if victorious, divide up the Liao territories. The Jin would get a large portion of the northern land and the Song would get a smaller portion in the southern region called the Sixteen Prefectures.

The Jin army sacked the Liao capital of Shangjing and ended the Liao dynasty. The Song army in the south, however, could not even penetrate the Liao's defensive positions and the army was defeated by the remaining Liao troops afterwards. This exposed the limitations of the Song army as well as the corruption and inefficiency in the Song imperial court. In the end, the Jin took control of all former Liao territories.

After the fall of the Liao dynasty, the Song dynasty wanted the Sixteen Prefectures as promised. The Jin dynasty sold the land at a price of 300,000 bolts of silk and 200,000 ounces of silver. This price was considered to be extremely generous because it was the tribute that the Song had been paying to the Liao annually since the Chanyuan Treaty of 1005.

Prelude to the war

According to the Twenty-Four Histories, in 1123, three years after the fall of Liao, a Jin general Zhang Jue, defected to the Song dynasty. Since he was governor of the Jin-controlled Pingzhou Prefecture, an area just north of the Sixteen Prefectures on the other side of the Great Wall, Pingzhou Prefecture was also merged into Song territory. The Song imperial court initially welcomed the defection and awarded Zhang Jue an honorific title and land. The Jin dynasty, on the other hand, sent a small army aimed to overturn the defection but was defeated by Zhang Jue's troops.

Shortly thereafter, the Song imperial court realized that Zhang Jue's defection would only result in hostility from the north. Zhang Jue was executed in the winter of 1123. This came too late: in the fall of 1125, Emperor Taizong of the Jin dynasty issued an order to launch a full-scale attack on Song territories.

First Siege of Bianjing

The Jin armies invaded Song territory from the west and from the north. The Jin northern army advanced quickly, sacking Qinhuangdao in October 1125, followed Baoding, Dingzhou, Zhengding and Xingtai in January 1126. This army, commanded by Wolibu (Wanyan Zongwang), did not meet much resistance as most of the Song generals surrendered themselves and their cities as soon as the Jin army arrived. On the other hand, the Jin western army, commanded by Nianhan (Wanyan Zonghan), was held up near the cities of Datong and Taiyuan from the very beginning and did not make much progress for the rest of the war. In February 1126, the Jin northern army crossed the Yellow River and began the siege of Bianjing (present-day Kaifeng), the Song capital. Before the invaders surrounded the city, Emperor Huizong had abdicated in favor of his eldest son, Emperor Qinzong, and fled to the countryside with his entourage. The Jin northern army faced difficult siege fighting that was not well-suited for cavalry. At the same time, the Jin western army was still held up in the Datong area and could not come to the aid of the northern army. In an effort to end the battle sooner, Emperor Qinzong sent his ninth brother, Zhao Gou to the enemy camp for peace talks. The Jin emperor, Emperor Taizong, ordered Zhao Gou taken hostage until the Song imperial court came up with a ransom. Eventually, the Song imperial court came forth with the ransom and the city of Taiyuan was also given to Jin as a gift in good faith. Zhao Gou was released and the Jin northern army started to withdraw.

Second Siege of Bianjing

Everything went back to normal as soon as the Jin forces retreated. Lavish parties continued to be held daily at the imperial palace. Emperor Huizong returned to Bianjing from the countryside. Song generals suggested that large numbers of troops ought to be garrisoned along the border of the Yellow River. Emperor Qinzong rejected the proposal by citing that the Jin forces might never come back. Many experienced generals who defended the city in the first siege of Bianjing were removed from the capital and posted elsewhere in the country. Many army groups were decommissioned or sent back to their prefectures of origin.

Three months after the first siege of the city, the Jin imperial court sent two ambassadors to Song. The two ambassadors were nobles from the former Liao dynasty. Emperor Qinzong misjudged the situation and believed that they could be turned against the Jin ruler, Emperor Taizong. Emperor Qinzong sent a coded letter which was sealed in candle wax, inviting them to join Song to form an anti–Jin alliance. The two handed the letter to Emperor Taizong right away. Furious, Emperor Taizong ordered an even bigger army to attack Song. This second campaign would eventually topple the Northern Song dynasty.

Since most of the Jin troops had just returned from their first expedition and had not even demobilized, the army was quickly remobilized. Following precedents set in the previous campaign, the Jin army divided into two groups, Wolibu's northern army and Nianhan's western army, even daring to take the same routes again.

In September 1126, the two Jin army groups set foot in Song territory. Unlike the previous battle, however, the western army was able to sack Datong within only one month. Cities like Luoyang and Zhengzhou surrendered themselves, clearing the way to Bianjing. The northern army, having sacked Baoding, Dingzhou and Zhengding in September, regrouped and crossed the Yellow River in November. It then went on a rampage and sacked Qingfeng, Puyang and other satellite cities around Bianjing in December. By the middle of December, the two forces regrouped at Bianjing and the capital was finally besieged.

Unlike the first siege, Bianjing's defenses in the second siege had some fatal flaws:

• Due to the lack of experienced generals and personnel, the whole defense process was unorganized.

• The Jin army was much bigger than the last time. Emperor Taizong sent a 150,000 strong force, having learnt from the first siege, when the western army was held up in Datong and could not advance on Bianjing. This time, however, Datong was sacked within a month, and the full strength of the western army was under the city walls.

• Although Emperor Qinzong called for help and many responded, the rapid deployment of Jin troops made it impossible to aid the city. Song troops from all over the country, including Zhao Gou's troops came to Bianjing but were not able to get into the city.

• Emperor Qinzong's trust in a minister who claimed he could summon "divine soldiers" from Heaven to the battleground was misplaced, causing much wasted time and human lives.

On 9 January 1127, Bianjing fell to Jin forces. Emperor Qinzong and his father, Emperor Huizong, were captured by the Jin army. Thus, the Northern Song dynasty came to an end.

In exchange for the Jin soldiers sparing Kaifeng's ordinary civilian population, the people of Kaifeng gave them wine, meat, silk and gold. Song officials turned over wine, wine makers, painters, weapons, horses, gold, silver and plain silk bolts after the Jin demanded them. Gold and silver were given to the Jin in exchange for Jin soldiers sparing the Kaifeng's people from looting, as well as Buddhist and Daoist books, printing blocks, silk bolts, silk thread pharmacy pills, parasols, ox carts, old bronze vessels, Buddhist monks, professors, storytellers, painters, clerks, jade carvers,

gardeners, masons, weapons makers, astronomers, musicians, physicians diagrams, maps, headgear worn by consorts, musical instruments, bells and shop, temple and palace lanterns.

Abduction

On 20 March 1127, Jin troops summoned the two captured emperors to their camps. Awaiting them was a directive from Emperor Taizong that they were to be demoted to commoners, stripped of their ceremonial trappings and Jin troops would compound the imperial palace.

According to The Accounts of Jingkang, Jin troops looted the entire imperial library and the decorations in the palace. Jin troops also abducted all the female servants and imperial musicians. The imperial family was abducted and their residences were looted. All the female prisoners were ordered, on pain of death, to serve the Jin aristocrats no matter what rank in society they had previously held. A Jin prince wanted to marry Emperor Huizong's daughter, Zhao Fujin, who had been another man's wife. Later on, the emperor's concubines were also given to the prince by Emperor Taizong. To avoid captivity and slavery under the Jurchens, many palace women committed suicide.

Emperor Taizong feared that the remaining Song troops would launch a counter-offensive to reclaim the capital. Therefore, he set up in Bianjing a puppet government for the lands south of the Yellow River, called Chu (楚), and ordered all the assets and prisoners to be taken back to the Jin capital – Shangjing (in present-day Harbin). The captives marched to the Jin capital along with the assets. Over 14,000 people, including the Song imperial family, went on this journey. Their entourage – almost all the ministers and generals of the Northern Song dynasty – suffered from illness, dehydration and exhaustion, and many never made it. Upon arrival, each person had to go through a ritual where the person has to be naked and wearing only sheep skins. Contrary to what was previously thought, the ceremony was drawn from ancient Han Chinese customs, drawn together by Jin experts on China rather than a Jurchen ritual. Empress Zhu committed suicide because she could not bear the humiliation. Men were sold into slavery in exchange for horses with a ratio of ten men for one horse. Women, especially former Song princesses, became palace slaves in a part of the Jin palace called the laundry hall (浣衣院) and others were taken as slaves by Jin princes and others. Some Song princesses became Jin princes' concubines. Someone bought an "ex–royal" for less than ten ounces of gold.

The Song male Chinese princes who were captured were given Khitan women to marry from the Liao dynasty palace by the Jin Jurchens, who had also defeated and conquered the Khitan. The original Chinese wives of the Song princes were confiscated and replaced with Khitan ones. One of the Song Emperor Huizong's sons was given a Khitan consort from the Liao palace and another one of his sons was given a Khitan princess by the Jin at the Jin Supreme capital. The Jin Jurchens continued to give new wives to the captured Song royals, the grandsons and sons of Song Emperor Huizong after they took away their original Chinese wives. The Jin Jurchens told the Chinese Song royals that they were fortunate because the Liao Khitan royals were being treated much worse by the Jurchen than the Song Chinese royals, Jurchen soldiers were given the children of the Liao Khitan Tianzuo Emperor as gifts while the Song Emperor was allowed to keep his children while he was in captivity. The Jurchens had sacked and destroyed the Khitan Liao supreme capital and burned the ancestral tombs of the Liao Emperors. Emperor Qinzong of Song would spend the rest of his life in Liao captivity, although his status was eventually raised to nobility and he began to receive a stipend. In 1156, as a humiliation for both men, the former Emperor Qinzong of Song and the former Emperor Tianzuo of Liao were forced by the Jin Emperor to play a match of polo against each other. Quizong was weak and frail, and so fell off his horse, while Tianzuo, even though he was quite old himself, was more familiar with horse-riding and tried to escape on his horse, but was shot and killed by Jurchen archers. Khitan Liao royal princesses from the Yelü family and Xiao family were also distributed to Jurchen Jin princes as concubine. Jurchen Prince Wanyan Liang married the Khitan women Lady Xiao (蕭氏), Consort Chen (宸妃)Lady Yelü (耶律氏), Consort Li (麗妃) Lady Yelü (耶律氏), Consort Rou (柔妃) and Lady Yelü (耶律氏), Zhaoyuan (昭媛). Before the Jurchens overthrew the Khitan, married Jurchen women and Jurchen girls were raped by Liao Khitan envoys as a custom which caused resentment by the Jurchens against the Khitan. Liao Khitan envoys among the Jurchens were treated to guest prostitutes by their Jurchen hosts. Unmarried Jurchen girls and their families hosted the Liao envoys who had sex with the girls. Song envoys among the Jin were similarly entertained by singing girls in Guide, Henan. Although the Liao Khitan had superior power over the Jurchens when ruling them were is no evidence that guest prostitution of unmarried Jurchen girls to Khitan men was hated or resented by the Jurchens. It was only when the Liao Khitan forced aristocratic Jurchen families to give up their beautiful wives as guest prostitutes to Liao Khitan messengers that this stirred resentment and anger by the Jurchens. A historian has speculated that this could mean that in Jurchen upper classes, only a husband had the right to his married wife while among lower class Jurchens, unmarried girls virginity and sleeping with Liao Khitan men did not matter and did not impede their ability to marry later. The Jurchens sexual habits and mores seemed lax to Han Chinese, such as marrying with an in law which was one of China's "Ten Heinous Crimes". Jurchens very commonly practiced guest prostitution giving female companions, food and shelter to guests. Unmarried daughters of Jurchen families of lower and middle classes in native Jurchen villages were provided to Liao Kitan messengers for sexual intercourse and amusement as recorded by Hong Hao (Hung Hao). Marco Polo also reported that in Hami (Camul) guest prostitution was practiced with hosts giving their female relatives, sisters, daughters and wives to guests in their house. Tanguts practiced this guest prostitution. Song princesses committed suicide to avoid rape or were killed for resisting rape by the Jin.

Aftermath and appraisal

• The scale of destruction and devastation was unprecedented: treasures, art collections, scrolls from the imperial library and human lives were lost on a scale that the Chinese had never seen before. Due to the heavy damage to the country's economy and military, and the loss of talented manpower, the Southern Song dynasty did not recover the lost territories, despite constant fighting between the Song and Jin, the territory was ruled by non-Han Chinese emperors. It would take another 200 years, until the Ming dynasty, to claim back all the territories that the Song dynasty lost.

• Many foreign-sounding, non-traditional Chinese family names existing in China today can date back to this incident, as the Han Chinese captives were forced to adapt Jurchen family names. In fact, many members of the imperial family of the Qing dynasty had the surname "Gioro" (e.g. Aisin Gioro, Irgen Gioro); it is believed that they were the descendants of Emperor Huizong and Emperor Qinzong.

• This invasion, combined with the later Mongol rule, were speculated to have caused China's advance into capitalism to fall behind by several centuries; although the Ming dynasty later restored the old order, the results of their own fall to the Manchus was to stagnate China once more. This view is supported by the fact that the Song economy had been advanced, and exhibited many features of capitalism. According to this view, the Jingkang Incident holds historic significance in regard to late imperial China's decline.

• Researchers in China who published their findings in the People's Political Consultative Daily in 2001, pointed out that this incident led to the transformation of women's rights after the Song dynasty. Since the members of the imperial family who were captured were sold as slaves or concubines, Chinese rulers after the Song dynasty greatly emphasized the importance of sexual norms, especially a woman's chastity and loyalty towards her husband. Chinese rulers of later dynasties instructed that when a woman is confronted between the choice of survival or the honor of chastity, survival is not an option.

In popular culture

• This incident was referred to as the "Lingering Humiliation of Jingkang" in Man Jiang Hong, a lyrical poem commonly attributed to the Song dynasty general Yue Fei, but was actually written by an anonymous poet in the Ming dynasty.

• In The Legend of the Condor Heroes, a wuxia novel by Louis Cha, this national humiliation inspired the Quanzhen Taoist Qiu Chuji to name the two main characters, Guo Jing and Yang Kang, who were born soon afterwards in the storyline.

• In Bandit Kings of Ancient China, a video game by Koei, failure to win the game before 1127 results in the Jurchens occupying the entire China in January 1127, ending the game.

• Guy Gavriel Kay liberally fictionalized the incident in River of Stars, an alternate historical fiction novel for adults. Kay uses alternate names for historic places and fictional characters.

背景

北宋歷代皇帝一直希望收復燕雲十六州，同樣希望收復且好大喜功的宋徽宗許與金人結盟。

為收復燕雲十六州，宣和二年（1120年），宋金兩國結成海上之盟，協議金攻遼國中京，而宋攻遼燕京，事成之後，燕雲十六州歸宋，宋需將本來送給遼的歲幣轉送給金，而遼的其餘國土亦歸金。後來金兵攻破遼中京，而宋朝二十萬大軍大敗。遼南京（燕京）由金人所攻佔，天祚帝被俘，遼國滅亡。金滅遼之役嚴重暴露宋軍的戰鬥力虛弱，國庫空虛。宋朝要求金人履行盟約，交回燕雲十六州，但金人指出宋人沒有執行攻打燕京的條件，結果宋則用更多的錢物贖回七州空城。

此後宋朝內部權鬥激烈：王黼以贖回燕京有功而權勢日盛，與太子趙桓不和，陰謀策劃立鄆王趙楷作太子。右相少宰李邦彥和蔡攸結黨排斥王黼，御史中丞何也彈劾王黼「奸邪專橫」，王黼於是罷相。這時朱勔力勸徽宗再用年已八十、目盲不能寫字的老臣蔡京，蔡京成為太師總領政事，具體事務由其子蔡絛把持。白時中為左相太宰、李邦彥為右相少宰，一切奉蔡京父子的意志。

1123年五月，宋徽宗策反已降金的原遼將金南京平州（今河北盧龍縣，不在十六州之內）留守張覺率平州路三州平州、營州、灤州及榆關（山海關）叛投宋；並趁金太祖去世，派宦官譚稹為兩河燕雲府宣撫使要求金歸還燕雲其餘九州，于是朔、應、蔚三州都降宋；十一月，金將朔州（已被宋接管）和武州割給宋朝。但當月金太宗就派完顏宗望襲擊平州，張覺敗逃投奔遼降將燕京留守郭藥師，宋軍沒有救援，半年後平州、營州都失陷，張覺母妻被俘，弟弟降金並交出了宋徽宗策反張覺的書信，金以此為由迫使宋朝殺張覺，郭藥師及燕雲十六州的漢人也因此寒心。

1125年四月，童貫、蔡攸又與白時中、李邦彥等排斥蔡絛。蔡京再度免官，童貫封廣陽郡王，蔡攸加太保。金指使西夏攻打朔、武，但被譚稹擊退。金對宋徽宗稱譚稹曾答應給其錢糧卻沒有兌現，譚稹被罷官，代以童貫。童貫派使者向完顏宗翰索要九州，但同時金國即以張覺事變為由攻宋。

金第一次攻宋

宋徽宗宣和七年、金太宗天會三年（1125年）八月，完顏宗望、完顏宗翰以張覺事變為由奏請攻宋。十月，東路完顏宗望率軍自平州（今河北秦皇島市盧龍縣）攻燕山府（今北京西南）。宋易州（今河北保定市易縣）戍將韓民毅投降。十二月甲辰（西曆1126年1月2日），於白河（今北京密雲縣白河峽谷）和古北口（今北京密雲縣古北口鎮）大敗宋軍；兩日後，宋將郭藥師降，宋燕山府防衛崩潰；不久破宋中山（今河北定州）派來之三萬援軍，1月14日又破宋兵五千於真定府（今河北正定），1月22日克信德府（今河北邢台）。

西路左副元帥完顏宗翰則率軍自大同攻太原（今均在山西），但戰事沒有完顏宗望順利。原遼籍漢人民兵組成的十數萬義勝軍降金，天會三年十二月庚子日（西曆1125年12月29日），金宋交戰之際，義勝軍開朔州（今山西朔州）城門，並于戊申日（西曆1126年1月6日）擒送代州（今山西代縣）守將，致使二州皆為金所得；1月13日中山投降，1月15日包圍太原，雖然童貫逃跑，但「悉為王稟隨機應變，終不能攻」。以至西路軍受阻貽誤軍機，直到得知完顏宗望已經和宋講和以後才罷兵。

徽宗南逃

完顏宗望軍南下，宋徽宗忙罷除花石綱和內外製造局。宋軍參議官宇文虛中曾上書指朝廷失策，用童貫、王黼為主帥是用錯了人，預言「將有納侮自焚之禍」，多次建策防邊，王黼卻不理。這時，宋徽宗問計於宇文虛中。宇文虛中認為只有先下詔罪己，改革弊政，來挽回人心。徽宗要宇文虛中和吳敏起草詔書悔過，號召各地駐軍勤王入援京師，其中主要是召西軍（宋朝征防西夏的邊防軍，是宋當時最精銳部隊）熙河經略使姚古、秦鳳經略使种師中領兵入援。完顏宗望軍侵入中山府時，徽宗又想棄開封南逃。給事中吳敏當時是主戰派（後變為投降派），竭力反對逃跑，推薦太常少卿李綱守城。李綱奏上「禦戎」五策，又勸徽宗：「非傳位太子，不足以招徠天下豪傑」，建議徽宗退位，「收將士心」。徽宗任命吳敏為門下侍郎輔佐太子。十二月，太子趙桓在哭哭啼啼中即皇位，是為宋欽宗，改明年年號為「靖康」。徽宗退位，號教主道君皇帝，稱「太上皇」。

靖康元年（天會四年，1126年）正月丁卯（初一日，1月25日），金軍攻濬州，內侍梁方平領兵在黃河北岸，金軍奄至，宋軍奔潰。南岸守橋者望見敵軍旗幟，慌忙燒斷橋纜，金軍被隔斷在北岸。正月初三己巳日（1月27日），完顏宗望軍渡過黃河，第二日攻下滑州（今河南滑縣）。

正月初三日，太上皇徽宗、蔡京、童貫等人聽說金軍已經渡過黃河，當晚就連夜南逃。徽宗僅帶蔡攸及內侍數人，以「燒香」為名，匆匆逃到亳州，又從亳州逃到鎮江；童貫和殿前都指揮使高俅率領勝捷軍和禁衛，在泗州境追上太上皇徽宗；蔡京也以「扈從」為名帶領家人逃到拱州。消息傳出，輿論大嘩，太學生陳東等上書，指蔡京、王黼、童貫、梁師成、李彥、朱勔為「六賊」，說「六賊異名同罪」應該處死，「傳首四方，以謝天下」。宋欽宗於是罷免王黼。吳敏、李綱請斬王黼，開封府尹聶山派武士至雍丘縣南固村斬王黼首。李彥、梁師成賜死。蔡京、童貫在亳州被貶官流放。

三月，欽宗派使者迎接宋徽宗一行回宮，四月，太上皇徽宗回到龍德宮，實際上被欽宗軟禁。欽宗也得以處分蔡京、童貫等人，蔡京在流放途中死於潭州，欽宗派監察御史斬童貫。九月，朱勔和蔡攸、蔡翛三人被流放，都在流放地處斬。蔡絛也被流放，病死。

金人得知宋朝新君登基、殺奸臣，一度生出北返之意。

第一次開封圍城戰

宋欽宗在正月初三日徽宗南逃後立即下詔親征，命門下侍郎吳敏為親征行營副使，顯謨閣直學士、開封府尹聶昌（即聶山）、兵部侍郎李綱為行營使司參謀官。第二日，宰相白時中、李邦彥等投降派即建議欽宗棄城逃跑，出奔襄陽府、鄧州。李綱得知馬上上殿面議反對：「今日之計，莫如整厲士馬，聲言出戰，固結民心，相與堅守，以待勤王之師。」欽宗問：「誰能將兵？」李綱說這應該是宰相白時中、李邦彥的職責。白時中厲聲反詰問李綱莫非能領兵出戰，李綱回答：「倘使治軍，願以死報。」宋欽宗於是任命李綱為尚書右丞、東京留守，以同知樞密院李棁為副，聶昌為隨軍轉運使，領兵守城。可是第三日早晨入朝，宋欽宗又被投降派說動，準備出發南逃，李綱又說服欽宗留下，並傳旨說：「上意已定，敢復有言去者斬！」欽宗登上宣德門，由吳敏、李綱向門樓前的百官將士們宣布，決心固守保衛東京開封。白時中被罷免，公議稱快，李邦彥、張邦昌遞進為相，同知樞密院事蔡懋為尚書左丞。

李綱用百步法分兵備禦，四壁城墻每一壁用正規軍一萬二千人；又編馬步軍前後左右中四萬人，每軍八千人，分置將官統領，派前軍守護東水門外的糧倉，後軍守護東門外樊家岡。又裝備各種防守的武器、工具。四日之內，戰守設施大致準備妥當。

正月初七（1126年1月31日），完顏宗望的金國東路軍至京城西北，由郭藥師引導，駐屯在牟駝岡天駟監，當夜，金軍立刻攻打宣澤門。李綱派出敢死士，斬獲百餘人。金軍一直攻打到天明方止，金使吳孝民入城要求宋朝交出親王、宰相到金軍為質，李綱請行，欽宗以他有統兵之職，讓他的副手李梲為主使，前往金營議和。初九，金軍猛攻通天、景陽門一帶，又攻陳橋、封丘、衛州等門，都被李綱擊退。金軍游騎四出抄掠，僅東明、太康、雍正、扶溝、鄢陵五縣保存。由於惱怒東明小城久攻不下，再次增兵三千猛攻，京東將董有鄰率眾抵抗，斬首十餘級，殺死金環三太子。

宣和和議

完顏宗望對宋議和使團提出金五百萬兩、銀五千萬兩、牛馬萬匹、衣緞百萬疋；割大原、中山、河間三路地，並以宰相、親王為質的條件。正月初十，宋朝全力收刮京城軍民官吏金銀財物，在期限內得金二十餘萬、銀四百餘萬兩，民間財力為之一空。十四日，康王趙構、張邦昌、高世則帶領金銀財物前往金軍大營。此時只有完顏宗望的金國東路軍參與圍攻開封。完顏宗翰的金國西路軍不但在太原被絆住，而且又拒絕完顏宗望提出的隔斷西軍的部署，以至京西馬忠、京東范瓊、种師道的十萬西軍順利趕到開封，完顏宗望被動後撤到開封西北遠郊孟陽扎營寨。都統制姚平仲領步騎萬人劫完顏宗望營寨被全殲一事，有人指是投降派李邦彥、李棁為逼主戰派李綱、种師道議和而有意無意透露給奸細鄧珪所致。劫寨失敗以後，李綱、种師道被撤銷軍權。金兵復至開封城下，宋欽宗大恐，遣使說：「初不知其事，且將加罪其人。」李邦彥又使宋欽宗下令不得得罪金兵，一霹靂砲手發砲後被梟首處死。完顏宗望再攻城時被西軍擊退，於是停止進攻，改肅王趙樞為人質，康王趙構得以回歸。二月初十，金軍撤退。東京城被圍凡三十三日。

金第一次撤軍

完顏宗望的金國東路軍第一次圍攻開封不果，臨走前派人入城辭行，並送來一封拜辭信，說是「非不欲詣闕廷展辭，少敘悃愊，以在軍中，不克如願，謹遣某某等充代辭使副，有些少禮物，具於別幅，謹奉書奏辭。」完顏宗望退軍之時，种師道之弟种師中率領的西軍精銳秦鳳軍三萬人開到東京開封，种師道即命他率部尾隨金軍之後，俟其半渡而擊之，完全消滅其尚在南岸的一半，將金國最精銳的東路軍打殘以消後患。李綱也建議用澶淵故事「護送」金軍出境，密告諸將有機會就縱兵追擊。宋欽宗也同意李綱表面上的建議，派軍十萬，緊緊「護送」。但吳敏（此時已轉為討好金軍的主和派）、唐恪（què）、耿南仲等投降派又最終壓倒了主戰派，派人在黃河邊上樹立大旗，嚴令軍隊不得繞過大旗趕金軍，否則一概處死。

以後种師道又提出亡羊補牢之辦法，建議集合大軍駐屯黃河兩岸，防止金軍再次渡河，預為下次「防秋」之計。宋欽宗准奏施行，不久又被吳敏、唐恪、耿南仲等投降派大臣壓倒，認為萬一金軍不來這筆巨大的軍事費用會被浪費，拒絕採用种師道之言，連主戰派徐處仁也持此意見。以後种師道氣憤致疾，以至病死。李綱則被外調河北河東宣撫使，無所作為，最後被逐到江西。

金第二次攻宋

不久，金國以蕭仲恭使宋，耶律餘睹監軍。宋欽宗認為此二人都是原遼國貴族，可誘而用之，以蠟丸封了一封書信讓蕭仲恭送耶律餘睹，使為內應。蕭仲恭忙跑回金國見完顏宗望，以蠟丸書信獻之。八月，宗望以此為由集合軍隊重新伐宋。第二次攻至汴京仍然是完顏宗翰和完顏宗望兩人的比賽。

第一階段，西路完顏宗翰八月庚戌（1126年9月5日）和第一次攻宋一樣從大同出發，第二日破宋張灝軍於文水（今在山西），又全殲种師中、姚古的援軍，9月21日克太原。東路完顏宗望9月8日從保州出發，當日破宋兵於雄州（今河北保定市雄縣）、中山（今河北定州）。9月15日，攻下新樂（今在河北）。9月26日，破宋大將种師閔於井陘，取天威軍（今河北井陘縣），克真定（今河北正定），真定知府李邈被俘，不屈而死。

第二階段，經過休整，西路完顏宗翰11月18日自太原向汴京進攻，22日攻下威勝軍（今山西沁縣）。11月29日宗翰克隆德府（今山西長治）。12月4日，完顏宗翰克澤州（今山西晉城市）。12月10日（十一月二十五丙戌日）宗翰克懷州（今河南沁陽），守將霍安國等堅決抵抗，完顏宗翰遂滅霍安國滿門。

西路宗翰使完顏婁室等先趨河南。11月27日（癸酉，十一月十二日）晚，金軍至河外，宋宣撫副使折彥質領兵十二萬與之對壘。金軍整夜擊打戰鼓擾軍，宋軍到28日黎明時，未戰就悉數潰奔，金軍遂長驅而南下。11月29日，完顏活女渡盟津（今河南孟津），宋西京洛陽、永安軍（今河南偃師東）皆投降。11月30日（十一月十五丙子日），金兵由汜水關渡河，洛口宋軍望風而潰，鄭州（今河南省會）降。東京開封城閉門清野，城內大亂，軍民乘亂放火劫掠，城東巡檢龍清等捕殺三百餘人才稍微安定。12月1日（十六日），康王趙構出城外逃。

東路完顏宗望11月20日自真定向汴京進攻；11月22日（十一月初七戊辰日），宗望至河上；宗望知滑、濬有備，乃由恩州古榆渡趨大名；12月4日宗望諸軍渡河，隨後攻下臨河縣（今河南浚縣東北臨河村南）、大名縣（今在河北）、德清軍（今河南清豐）、開德府（今河南濮陽）；於12月9日到達汴京城下。12月17日，完顏宗翰才到達汴京城下，被完顏宗望搶先一步。

第二次開封圍城戰

十一月二十四日（乙酉，12月9日），金軍完顏宗望部至京師開封城下，城中惟衛士、上四軍、中軍效勇及東西路弓手七萬人分四壁守禦。只有張叔夜父子領三萬人來救援，十一月二十八日（己丑，12月13日）至城下。閏月初一（壬辰朔，12月16日），宋出兵拒戰，被完顏宗望等擊敗。

十一月二十九庚寅日、閏十一月初一壬辰日至初三甲午日（12月14日、16日-18日），欽宗先後被甲登城東、南、西、北四壁，以御膳賜士卒，易取士卒火飯以進食，人皆感激流涕。閏十一月初五（12月20日），完顏宗翰部攻陷拱州，駐屯青城，與完顏宗望部合圍東京開封。初七，殿前副都指揮使王宗濋率牙兵千餘出城與敵對戰，統制官高師旦戰死。初十，金人派遣蕭慶等來貸糧，並議和。十二日，張叔夜見南城飛石擊中樓櫓，與范瓊分麾下兵襲敵營，想要燒毀炮架。遙見金軍鐵騎，宋軍不克陣而奔，互相踩踏及溺隍死者以千數。

十五日，宋朝派遣簽書樞密院事曹輔、尚書左丞馮澥等人前往金營請和，乞求停止攻城。完顏宗望要求宋朝割讓河東、河北兩路之地，再送不割地大臣到金營，然後講和。十八己酉日，命康王趙構為「兵馬大元帥」，使速盡領河北兵入衛。

二十三日，大風自北起，不久開始下雪，鋪地數尺。金軍於通津門及宣化門東立天橋數座，俯瞰城中，炮擊城防。范瓊派兵千人自宣化門出戰，開始時士氣高漲而略勝，敵軍被趕回北岸，但士卒貪功渡河，冰面破裂，士卒驚亂，被敵軍殺死五百餘人，從此士氣更加挫折。

二十五日（閏十一月丙辰日，1127年1月9日），因宋朝宰相何、次相樞密使孫傅誤信妖人郭京等能用「神兵」退敵撤去外城守軍，完顏宗望、完顏宗翰與諸將趁機破城，金軍由宣化門擁兵登城，守禦宋軍棄甲爭相逃走，通津門之南亦被攻破，敵兵入城縱火，殺盡城旁居民。宋軍退守內城。京城自十一月二十五日被圍，是日午時陷，歷時一月。

兩次圍城分析

和第一次開封圍城戰相比，第二次圍城戰宋朝的處境要困難得多：

• 王稟守衛的太原在被完顏婁室的五萬金軍圍困二百五十多日後終於失守，完顏婁室的這部分軍隊南渡黃河，西趨洛陽，封鎖了潼關，關困宋朝最精銳的西軍在潼關以內，斷絕了其東來勤王之路。

• 第一次圍城戰時，只有完顏宗望的東路軍到達開封城下，兵力有限，攻城的活動限於西、北兩隅，有時蔓延到東北角，南面諸門則始終未受攻擊。第二次圍城時，金軍兩路合攻，四面合圍，陷東京於徹底孤立。

• 第一次圍城以前，北宋朝廷在完顏宗望到達開封前夕定下了戰守之策。李綱被任命為親征行營使和御營京域四壁守禦使，取得主持戰守的大權。而第二次圍城時，李綱已經因為姚平仲劫寨失敗一事和种師道一起被褫奪軍權，宋欽宗把戰、守、和全權都授給宰相何。何㮚一邊迷信妖人郭京的六甲神兵，一邊派出樞密使馮澥到完顏宗翰軍中求和，自以為雙料保險，卻不是守城之道。宋欽宗又臨時派待罪在京的劉韐提舉四壁守禦，另外又以次相孫傅為守禦使，事權不一，掣肘實多。孫傅和何一樣，將希望寄託在妖人郭京的六甲神兵身上。

• 第一次圍城時，完顏宗望的東路軍全軍六萬人，這次增加到八萬人，主要將領完顏闍母、完顏昌、劉彥宗等仍在軍中，只有郭藥師以燕京留守的名義，留駐燕京。西路軍仍以完顏宗翰、完顏希尹、完顏婁室三大將為主副帥，完顏銀朮可等戰將都屬麾下，漢人高慶裔、時立愛為謀主。完顏婁窒、完顏希尹兩人輪流至潼關外督師阻止宋朝的西軍勤王。西路軍的總人數，原來與東路軍相等，也是六萬餘人，經過長期的圍攻太原，兵力不斷補充，總數增加了一倍以上，這時除封鎖潼關的五萬人外，仍有七八萬人參加第二次開封圍城。計東西兩路金軍的兵力已超過十五萬人，比第一次圍城戰增加了一倍半。

• 而宋朝這邊，第一次圍城時開封原來的禁軍加上西北陸續開來的勤王軍，總數達到二三十萬人。解圍後，這些大軍沒有安放到應當去的地方，一部分被遣送復員回西北，一部分參加太原解圍戰而遭到損失，一部分在黃河南岸潰散，還有一部分被投降派大臣唐恪、耿南仲以經濟上的理由遣散。以致第二次圍城時城內守軍不滿七萬。各地勤王軍早已受到唐恪、耿南仲的命令而裹足不前。只有南道總管張叔夜與兩個兒子伯奮、仲熊違抗這一投降式的朝命，募兵一萬三千人勤王，在潁昌府遭遇完顏宗翰部，大小十八戰互有勝負，最後全軍突入開封城，這是第二次圍城之役中唯一的一支能夠進入開封城的勤王軍。

俘虜

年末，宋欽宗親自至金人軍營議和，金人趁機派蕭慶入住宋朝尚書省接管宋朝政權。宋欽宗在答應稱藩後被放回，隨即為滿足金朝要求，大量搜刮財物。1127年（靖康二年，天會五年）正月，宋欽宗再赴金營，被扣留。宋將范瓊等變節，將太上皇、欽宗太子趙諶等宗室及后妃公主交給金人。在金人命令下，開封府尹徐秉哲抓捕宋朝宗室，廣平郡王趙楗、濟王妃曹氏等即使出逃到民間，也被抓住，曹氏被鎖在柜子里。二月初六丙寅日（3月20日），金太宗詔廢二帝為庶人，北宋滅亡（960年—1127年），二帝及宗室蒙塵，東京城中公私積蓄為之一空。金人還想繼續搜刮汴京財物，責怪宋朝未能足額繳納贖金，在南薰門外將宋朝戶部尚書梅執禮、刑部侍郎程振、給事中安扶、戶部侍郎陳知質打死梟首。三月初六，宋將吳革等圖謀救駕，被范瓊鎮壓。初七丁酉日（4月20日），金人立張邦昌大楚皇帝。三月二十七丁巳日及四月初一庚申日，金軍退師，虜二帝北遷。宋徽宗和宋欽宗被金人囚禁於五國城，位於今中國黑龍江依蘭縣。

洗衣院（又稱浣衣院）是金國為其皇族儲備女人之地方，北宋相當多女眷進入洗衣院。多名宋朝王妃被分別賜給完顏家族成員為妻。「應被虜宗室女見在北人家作奴婢者，金國已降赦，官中二人換一人出，令作百姓，自在居住。應扈二帝親屬四百餘人，為遷二帝往五國，留在遼東，落後養濟焉。」一些年幼的北宋帝姬被安置在洗衣院，長大成人後，再服侍金國王公貴族，有些被納為次妃、姬妾。

《靖康稗史箋證》對俘虜事件所記很詳細，書中所記因為非常恥辱，正史多無法記載，故參考價值頗高：

其中《甕中人語》記載：靖康元年十二月，「二十四日，開寶寺火。二十五日，虜索國子監書出城。」次年正月，「二十五日，虜索玉冊、車輅、冠冕一應宮廷儀物，及女童六百人、教坊樂工數百人。二十七日，虜取內侍五十人，晚間退回三十人。新宋門到曹門火。二十八日，虜索蔡京、王黻、童貫家姬四十七人出城。」金兵圍攻陷汴京前後，燒殺擄掠，姦淫婦女。除金銀財物之外，大量擄掠宋朝官員和百姓，其中女性尤多。金人特意索要「女童六百人」，卻沒索要男童。靖康元年閏十一月，「二十七日，金兵掠巨室，火明德劉皇后家、藍從家、孟家，沿燒數千間。斡離不（完顏宗望）掠婦女七十餘人出城。」

據《南征錄匯》載：靖康元年十二月初十，宋臣「吳幵、莫儔傳宋主意，允以親王、宰執、宗女各二人，袞冕、車輅及寶器二千具，民女、女樂各五百人入貢。」金軍守城千戶陸篤詵殺死其兄尚富皂，原因是尚富皂「踞大宅，淫及陸（篤詵）所掠女」」。靖康二年正月二十二日，「原定犒軍費金一百萬錠、銀五百萬，須於十日內輪解無闕。如不敷數，以帝姬、王妃一人准金一千錠，宗姬一人准金五百錠，族姬一人准金二百錠，宗婦一人准銀五百錠，族婦一人准銀二百錠，貴戚女一人准銀一百錠，任聽帥府選擇。」「自正月二十五日，開封府津送人物絡繹入寨，婦女上自嬪御，下及樂戶，數逾五千，皆選擇盛裝而出。選收處女三千，餘汰入城，國相（完顏宗翰）自取數十人，諸將自謀克以上各賜數人，謀克以下間賜一二人。」次月五日夜，完顏宗翰宴請手下將領，令宮嬪換裝侍酒，不從者即處死，當時有鄭氏、徐氏、呂氏抗命不從，被斬殺，又將一女以箭鏃貫穿喉嚨殺死，又有「烈女張氏、曹氏抗二太子（完顏宗望）意，刺以鐵竿，肆帳前，流血三日。初七日，王妃、帝姬入寨，太子指以為鑑，人人乞命。」

《開封府狀》載：「選納妃嬪八十三人，王妃二十四人，帝姬、公主二十二人，人准金一千錠，得金一十三萬四千錠，內帝妃五人倍益。嬪御九十八人，王妾二十八人，宗姬五十二人，御女七十八人，近支宗姬一百九十五人，人准金五百錠，得金二十二萬五千五百錠。族姬一千二百四十一人，人准金二百錠，得金二十四萬八千二百錠。宮女四百七十九人，採女六百單四人，宗婦二千單九十一人，人准銀五百錠，得銀一百五十八萬七千錠。族婦二千單七人，歌女一千三百十四人，人准銀二百錠，得銀六十六萬四千二百錠。貴戚、官民女三千三百十九人，人准銀一百錠，得銀三十三萬一千九百錠。都准金六十萬單七千七百錠，銀二百五十八萬三千一百錠。」被抵押折價的各類女子統計竟有11,635人。

《靖康稗史箋證》引《金圖經》載：「燕人聞宋俘至（燕山府，今北京市），喧嚷已匝月。及是，大王眷屬，下逮戚族男女咸集，如睹異寶，且與後妃等行抱見禮申敬。漢婦不習，惶窘萬狀。」《呻吟語》載：「被掠者日以淚洗面，虜酋皆擁婦女，恣酒肉，弄管弦，喜樂無極。」

後續

靖康之變後，宋朝仍控制關中。

靖康二年（1127年）五月初一庚寅朔日，兵馬大元帥康王趙構即皇帝位於南京應天府（今商丘），是為宋高宗，即年改元建炎。

1128年金國完顏兀朮攻宋，宋高宗南下，一度出海避難。1129年，金攻宋陝州。

1131年，戰於和尚原。

1138年，天眷和議以黃河為界。

1141年，宋金簽訂「紹興和議」，以秦嶺淮河線為邊界。

影響

靖康之禍導致北宋滅亡，深深刺痛宋人內心，岳飛在《滿江紅》寫懷：「靖康恥，猶未雪；臣子恨，何時滅？」押解至東北的宋朝皇室上千。後來後金時滿洲族第一大姓「伊爾根覺羅」據《皇朝通志·氏族略·滿洲八旗姓》記載又作「宜爾根覺羅」、「民覺羅」或「伊爾根」，滿語「民」的意思。其漢姓為「趙」（也有「佟」、「顧」、「伊」、「薩」、「公」、「兆」、「曹」、「包」、「哲」、「席」等）。《黑龍江志稿·氏族》載：「覺羅者，傳為宋徽、欽之後。」

在杭州建立南宋的宋高宗，鞏固權力之後，卻放棄收復失地，向金朝稱臣，以維持半壁江山的統治，最後宋金百餘年維持南北分治的局面。

因靖康之變導致宋太宗一系的趙宋皇室被擄，加上宋高宗無子，導致宋高宗需要從宋太祖一系的子孫中選擇繼承人，使宋朝帝系繼承從宋太宗一系回到宋太祖一系。

明朝的皇帝、士大夫及武將鑒於宋朝以和割地止戰的教訓，皆恥於議和，早期直接攻擊蒙古諸郊及北伐，土木之變的北京保衛戰後修建明長城加強北方邊防，防範北方蒙古等部族的威脅。因此，即使到明亡前，崇禎帝以與滿人和談為恥。對於和議之事，始終左右為難，亦未有遷都南京的打算。盧象昇即告訴皇帝說：「陛下命臣督師，臣只知戰鬥而已！」崇禎帝稱根本就沒有議和之事，盧象昇最後戰死沙場。明朝在和戰兩難之間，仍最終走入滅亡之途。

文化

在金庸武俠小說《射鵰英雄傳》開始，全真教道長丘處機替郭嘯天和楊鐵心的孩子分別取名為郭靖和楊康，讓二人後代不要忘記「靖康之恥」。

光榮遊戲水滸傳·天命之誓若沒在1127年金兵入侵大宋之前，得到聖旨打敗奸臣高俅，遊戲就會徹底失敗告終。。

注釋